Bonds & Zombies
Anatole Kaletsky
Two
weeks ago we noted that the biggest factor which was holding
down the yields in US and European bond markets was the price-insensitive
buying by three
investors groups: Asian central banks, Western pensions and insurance
funds and, most importantly, Japanese private investors. This
paper
will explore
in greater detail the bizarre behaviour of these seemingly brain-dead "zombie
investors", who gobble up whatever paper the US government may throw
towards them, regardless of value or price.
In the rest of this paper we present some stylised facts, which may not be
literally true of any particular investor, but can help in the aggregate
to explain the indiscriminate greed of the zombie buyers for overvalued bonds.
We then draw some conclusions about the impact of price insensitive bond-buying
by the most important group of zombie investors, the Japanese private savers
driven to desperation by zero rates.
Starting with the Asian central banks, the reasons for zombie buying
are obvious. They are buying foreign currencies as an exercise in macroeconomic
management (some would call it manipulation) on behalf of their government.
As long as maintaining exchange-rate pegs remains the over-riding national
goal, Asian governments will continue buying dollars (and euros) and investing
their reserves in the corresponding bond markets, regardless of the threat
of suffering a capital loss.
Western pension and insurance funds have become insensitive to price and
valuation for different reasons. Many of the long-term investment institutions,
which used to dominate the US and European markets, are actually not in the
investment business any more. Under pressure from regulators and accountants,
the pension and insurance funds are effectively pulling out of asset management,
defining their core business as liability management instead.
Pension funds have moved from the asset to the liability business
because most corporate treasurers no longer see managing the pension
fund as a function designed to generate profits or even to minimise
pensions costs. Instead, they see running the pension fund primarily
as an accounting
exercise,
whose main purpose is to "immunise" the capitalised pension liabilities
shown on the company balance sheet. Because pension liabilities are
capitalised by using longterm bond yields, the company can minimise
its apparent
risk by investing the pension fund entirely in bonds, regardless of
yield. If
bond yields go up, the pension fund will of course suffer a loss; but
this loss will be exactly matched by an improvement on the liability
side of
the
balance sheet. In reality, the idea that bonds are a perfect match
for pension liabilities is an illusion, since pension payments will
increase
much faster
than implied by the bond yield if inflation turns out to be higher
than the market expects. But accountants have decreed that whatever
forecast
of inflation
appears to be embedded in today's bond yields is, by definition, the
best available. And who is a mere economist to disagree?
Life companies are pulling out of asset management for a different
but related reason. From the 1950s until the late 1990s, insurance
companies competed (especially in Britain) mainly on the basis of their
investment
performance, selling "with-profit" life policies and annuities, which
were designed to allow investors to benefit from equity investment
returns. In the past decade, however, regulators have limited the life
insurers'
investment
freedom and severely restricted their use of past investment performance
in marketing. As a result, the life insurance industry is moving back
to
its 18th century roots: most life companies now see their main business
as providing mortality protection on the basis of statistical demographics,
rather than maximising investment returns. Under this business model,
the life company's core competence is not asset management but marketing
and
distribution. If this is so, then buying equities or even trying to
time bond purchases by using either fundamental analysis or technical
models
is
a risky diversion from the insurance company's main business. And since
all insurance companies are under the same regulatory pressure not
to market their policies on the basis of differential investment performance,
there
is no competitive benefit in taking investment risks.
In this new business model, the fund manager's job is not to maximise investment
returns, but simply to direct premium payments into the bond market as quickly
as the salesmen can collect them - and, of course, to achieve the closest
possible match between the expected duration of assets and policy risks.
Any attempt to market-time bond purchases, or even to improve returns by
varying portfolio duration, is seen by management, shareholders, auditors
and regulators as reckless speculation, needlessly exposing the company's
balance sheet to risk.
Of course, we have grossly oversimplified our descriptions of insurance and
pensions fund behaviour. Many of these businesses still believe in managing
their assets in an aggressive and imaginative way. At the margin, however,
it is clear that the long-term saving institutions are moving in the direction
suggested. This can be seen in the Fed's flow of funds statistics, which
show that in 2003, bonds accounted for 76% of the insurance industry's net
acquisition of financial assets, compared with 41% in 1998. While pension
funds were not big bond investors until 2003, according to the Fed statistics,
by the first half of 2004, they were investing more than their entire cash
flow in bonds. With both insurance companies and pensions funds increasingly
focused on liability matching, rather than asset management, it is hardly
surprising that more and more insurance companies, like pension funds, are
willing to buy bonds robotically, regardless of price.
Now let us turn to the most interesting and important cohort of zombie investors:
the private savers and retail investment institutions of Japan.
We suggested last month that probably the best explanation for today's "conundrum" of
influences global bond yields was the asset-liability matching of Japanese
private savers. The argument could be summarized like this:

The foreign private sector is a much bigger buyer of US bonds than
either the central banks or the domestic investment institutions.
Foreign private
investors bought $655 bn of US-issued bonds in 2004, almost three
times the official bond purchases of $235 bn (see charts below).
By far the most important
group of foreign private investors have been the Japanese, either
buying directly through foreign bond funds or indirectly through
Japanese life insurers
and trust banks.
Why have the Japanese been buying so many US bonds? Let us try to
go beyond the two easy explanations: that Japanese banks and insurers
act on manipulative "guidance" from
the Ministry of Finance or that they are simply mad. The alternative
explanation is that yields of 4% plus on foreign bonds are irresistibly
attractive
to savers who live in a financial system permanently distorted by
zero rates. comparison with Japan's Of course the yield differential
between
a JGB at 1.5% and a 4.5% Treasury can be wiped out by a currency
loss on the principal in a single morning. But what if the Japanese
saver
doesn't
care about the principal value of his investment because he is only
interested in maximizing his income return? Begging the indulgence
of regular readers,
let us repeat the theoretical example we offered in our
Five Corners publication
last month:
Imagine an elderly Japanese retiree, with cash savings of Y100m
and suppose for simplicity that the exchange-rate is $=Y100. Suppose,
further, that
our Japanese saver wants only to secure the best possible pension
for his remaining 20 years of life, leaving nothing as a legacy
to his children
(maybe because he did not have any as is increasingly the case).
He can do this by buying an annuity, backed by a bond investment
either in yen
or in dollars. Looking up the annuity tables we find that a yen
annuity, based on a 20-year yen bond yield of 2 per cent, would
provide an annual
income of 6.1% or Y6.1m. A dollar annuity, based on a 20- year
dollar yield of 4.8 per cent, would generate 7.9% or $79,000 currently
equivalent to
Y7.9m.
Thus the Japanese pensioner can increase his initial income by
30% if he buys an annuity in dollars instead of yen. Of course
he faces a currency
risk, but given the 30% uplift in his annuity payments, he will
remain better off as long as the dollar exchange-rate over the
next 20 years averages
above Y77 (= 61 divided by 79). Assuming a straight-line depreciation
of the dollar, that would imply a break-even exchange rate in 2025
of $=Y54.
Taking account the time-value of money and the inherent uncertainty
about the saver's lifespan, the true breakeven exchange rate is
even lower, probably
well below Y50.
Will the dollar fall below Y50 by 2025? It could happen. The dollar-yen
exchange rate did almost exactly halve between 1985 and 2005. But
given the demographic and structural characteristics of the US
and Japanese economies,
betting against another halving of the dollar does not seem completely
stupid. So maybe we should not be so contemptuous of Japanese investors
who buy overvalued bonds denominated in dollar, provided they intend
to hold them to maturity and to leave them unhedged.
In reality, of course, this is not be what the "zombie" investors
are doing when they fight for every new Treasury issue - and for
every
offering of
European governments, or corporate and mortgage bonds. In reality,
some of the Japanese insurance companies hedge some of these purchases,
in
which case they are simply playing the relative steepness of the
Japanese and
foreign yield curves. Others try to manage their currency overlays
to generate extra profits (or suffer even bigger losses). Still others
use
the arbitrage
between US and Japanese bond yields, to sell retail savers structured
products which offer better terms than could be funded directly in
the JGB markets,
but rather worse than could be obtained by bearing the whole of the
dollar-yen risk. Exploiting the annuity arbitrage which we have described
above
by creating such structured products, is a very profitable business
for retail
savings institutions and investment banks in Japan. They do this
in different ways - some of the life companies hedge their entire
foreign
bond holdings,
other have reduced their hedge ratios to as low as 15%.
Supposing we are even roughly right in identifying these groups
of priceinsensitive investors, what are the implications of all
this zombie buying of bonds?
The zombies' enthusiasm obviously does not mean that bonds are
good value, still less that the bear market which began in June
2003 is about to go
into reverse. We believe the upward trend in long bond yield will
continue at least until they reach 5.5%. The zombie buyers cannot
change the basic
cycles of macroeconomics any more than King Canute could command
the tides. What they can do is slow the trend, extend it over a
longer period, and
inflict losses on rational investors who quite sensibly want to
trade against the zombies, but must mark to market every day. As
Keynes said, the market
can remain irrational much longer than the rational investor can
remain solvent.
Our first conclusion, therefore, is that the crash in bond markets
which we expected to see on the basis of the past two economic
cycles - 1994
and 1983/4 - will be slower and less disruptive than we thought.
From a long-term perspective, however, a slow rise in bond yields
is probably
more ominous than a sharp bounce. Technically, bond yields are
creating a huge multi-year base. In terms of economic fundamentals,
the bond market's
refusal to push long-term interest rates higher will offset the
restrictive effects of monetary tightening. As a result, long-term
inflationary pressures
will intensify, fiscal disciplines on governments will be loosened
and all asset prices will be pumped up.
Secondly, the present asset inflation - and rolling financial bubbles
- will last for a surprisingly long time. If we are right about
the dominant
role of Japanese private savers among the zombie bond investors,
then global liquidity and asset prices will depend less on US monetary
policy or the
strength of the dollar, than the level of interest rates in Japan.
Given the likelihood that Japanese short rates will remain at or
near zero for
the next two years - and probably until the end of the decade (see
Anatole's
Notes from his Japan Trip) - this means US and euro rates long
rates will remain "unnaturally" low for a very long time, regardless
of what the Fed may do (or say). If this turns out to be true, then
the implications
for global economic conditions and for equity, property and other
asset prices, should be extremely bullish.
Essentially what we are saying is that all global asset prices
markets will remain severely distorted as long as the main suppliers
of excess
savings to the world economy - the Japanese private investors -
continue to live in a zero-rate environment. If the returns available
to Japanese
investors domestically remain at or near zero, they will continue
to invest in dollar and even euro assets at what seem to be ridiculously
low rates.
The final question is what could change this situation. The obvious
answer is new investment opportunities for the Japanese. Rather
than an increase
in Japanese interest rates, which remains extremely improbable,
the likeliest source of new opportunities would be an improvement
in equity (and property?)
returns in Japan. If Japanese investors rediscovered their domestic
equity market, they might stop their zombie bond-buying and conditions
in the
world financial markets would be transformed. That this is not
just an idle speculation is suggested by the surprising correlations
shown in the
chart below.
The Nikkei and the US bond yield have been moving in tandem for most of
the last decade. The correlation of daily movements in these two markets
has been 90% since 1990 and 92% since 1996. Intriguingly, the correlation
between the Nikkei and the US bond market has been much closer than the
correlations between US and Japanese bond markets or between bonds and
equities within either Japan or the US.
To judge by this correlation, global bond investors should forget their
monthly vigils ahead of the US payroll figures and focus instead on equity
prices in Japan. If the Japanese economy regains momentum and the Nikkei
manages to break through the 12,000 level, trend-following Japanese may
suddenly decide they have better opportunities for investment than US or
euro-denominated bonds. The bear market in global bonds would then resume
in a big way.